History of the Medical Reform Group: 1979 - 1996

Maturing the MRG

When the MRG was formed the members were almost exclusively house staff and medical students; by 1985, over 75% of our membership were practising physicians. By that time the membership included doctors in family practice, internal medicine, surgery, occupational health, and psychiatry. A number of MRG members are involved in academic medicine, to a large extent in areas of clinical epidemiology, public health, and occupational health. The spectrum of our membership, and the areas of expertise spanned, allows us to speak with authority both on issues directly related to clinical practice, as well as areas such as health economics, health technology, and quality of care.

In looking at the nature and attitudes of the MRG in 1985, the results of a study of the group is of interest. James McDermid, a graduate student, approached the Steering Committee and was given permission to survey the MRG membership. Sixty-seven per cent of the membership responded to the survey. The most important findings were that 90% of the group felt that its lobbying function was "very important" in their reasons for joining, and that most would terminate their membership if the MRG stopped lobbying.

The End of Extra Billing

The test of the maturity and credibility of the MRG came with the intense political struggle that accompanied the introduction of the Health Care Accessibility Act. The scene for legislation to end opting out and associated extra charges for patients was set when, in the spring of 1985, Frank Miller's short-lived provincial government was defeated. The MRG contributed to this event by pointing out a contradiction between what Frank Miller was telling the people of Ontario concerning extra billing, and what he was telling the provinces' physicians. The issue received front page coverage a couple of days before the election.

The Conservatives were replaced by a Liberal minority which could govern only with NDP support. It didn't take the government long to suggest that they would introduce legislation to end extra billing. In preparation, they organized a series of public forums to raise awareness about the proposed legislation. MRG members participated, along with members of the Liberal caucus, as panellists in a number of these forums. The public forums included the first of what was to be a long series of exchanges between MRG spokespersons and OMA representatives and sympathizers, exchanges that were sometimes acrimonious, and always intense.

The struggle escalated when the legislation, then called Bill 94, was introduced in December 1985, and the OMA first talked about the possibility of a strike in response to the legislation. The next few months saw the issue in the headlines almost every day, with progressively increasing physician militancy. Initially, the OMA refused to negotiate with the government; when closed-door negotiation began in March 1986 there was a total deadlock. The first physicians' rotating strikes began in February. In late May, the OMA called a full strike of Ontario physicians. When the government was undeterred, the OMA introduced further sanctions and organized major reductions in the service of a number of emergency departments in hospitals throughout Ontario. The legislation was finally passed on June 20, but the strike continued in full force for another week. Physician support for the strike began to erode by the end of the month, and the strike was called off in early July.

The MRG was spectacularly effective in presenting its position in support of the legislation. With each major event in the drama, the media described both the OMA position and the MRG reaction. This was true of newspapers, radio, and television. The MRG was included in special news presentations about the extra billing legislation and the doctors' response (such as a segment of CTV's "W5"), and our position was presented in major published articles in the Globe and Mail and Toronto Star (op-ed pieces in both), the Hamilton Spectator, and the London Free Press.

There were a number of reasons for this success. First was regular contact maintained by Michael Rachlis and Phil Berger in Toronto, and Gordon Guyatt in Hamilton, with the media people involved in covering the story. Mike and Phil were particularly outstanding in co-ordinating our contact with the media. Second, the steering committee members and other MRG members dealing with the press were in regular contact (often daily), planning strategy and ensuring a consistent, logically and politically sound response to ongoing developments. Third, we had fully researched the issues prior to the legislations being introduced and were, for example, able to rebut, citing empirical evidence, the claim that user charges decreased health care costs. Our data base and the close co-ordination of our response facilitated the fourth major element in our success: the calm, articulate, and closely reasoned responses that we were able to offer to the media. This was true not only of the primary spokespersons (Mike, Phil, and Gordon) but also of others who presented our position: Don Woodside, Bob James, Mimi Divinsky, Doug Sider, Bob Frankford and, in London, Barbara Lent.

The impact of the MRG in the struggle can only be a matter of speculation. However, we destroyed the myth of the unanimity of the medical profession in a very visible and repeated fashion. This may have had an important psychological effect both on the profession and on the government in holding firm on the legislation. We repeatedly pointed out fallacious arguments the OMA was using: that extra billing was an effective way to control costs; that patients didn't suffer as a result of extra billing; that extra billing was a mechanism to reward superior physicians; that physician autonomy in practice would be compromised by the legislation. Credible challenges to these points could only have come from within the profession, and our responses compromised the OMA's ability to spread misinformation. Our effectiveness was such that quite early in the battle the OMA refused to participate in any debates with the MRG, or any panels or news programs if a member of the MRG were to be present. We also gained a great deal of credibility with the government, and also with the Conservative opposition. For example, an intervention by Mike Rachlis played an important role in avoiding further delay in passing the Health Care Accessibility Act.

One testimony to our impact was an editorial that appeared in Ontario Medicine, the OMA's official journal, after the strike was over. It castigated the media for its coverage of the MRG. One section of the editorial provides a good description of the MRG's effectiveness: "Perhaps the most disturbing breach of journalism ethics evident in some of the news media, particularly the Toronto Star, the Globe and Mail and the CBC, is their insistence on including, with virtually every comment by the O.M.A., a contrary statement by the Medical Reform Group...It isn't so much their statements that rankles (sic), but the fact that such an insignificant rump group is given "equal time" with the recognized representatives of Ontario's 18,000 physicians." Four years after the event a CMA representative, in a statement published in the CMAJ, still referred to the MRG during this period as being, "darlings of the media".

It is clear that in the extra billing crisis the MRG fulfilled, in an outstanding fashion, the role of political lobbying that the majority of the membership see as its primary mission.

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History of MRG